Adverse weather trends such as increased flooding and droughts shape the decisions to migrate made by household and individuals. Climate change is widely perceived to reduce crop yields and livestock production, decrease water availability, reduce fishing populations, and limit opportunities in rural areas that depend heavily on agriculture. The goal of this chapter was to contribute to a better understanding of the relationships between climate change, environmental degradation, deterioration of agriculture, and human mobility, through an exploration of the attitudes of rural residents and urban migrants in our five focus countries. Rural residents use a range of coping mechanisms to survive, ranging from eating less and borrowing money to selling livestock and other assets.
Remittances are also important for survival, and when this source of income is insufficient, additional household members are forced to migrate to other areas in search of better opportunities. Overall, while in some countries such as Egypt and to some extent Morocco, there is a perception that migration opens up new opportunities, in other countries such as Syria, for many migrants migration may be a strategy of last resort than a real choice. While such differences between countries seem to emerge from the qualitative fieldwork and tend to also be supported by quantitative household survey data, of course, individual situations remain highly household and area-specific within each of the five countries.
The qualitative work also suggests that for urban migrants, the arduous task of obtaining a job is further hindered by corruption and fierce competition with locals for limited employment opportunities. Social dislocation is a risk, with many migrants feeling inferior, alienated, and different in their new urban environs. Many face job discrimination, harassment, and exploitation at the hands of their supervisors and would-be employers. Poor housing conditions, rising food and rent prices, and the obligation to send remittances back home place substantial pressure on urban migrants. Yet, these coexist alongside some benefits.
For example, migrants appreciate the independence, social outlets, and opportunities that urban life has to offer. A number of suggestions were made by households as well as migrants about the types of programs that could be of help to them, in both urban and rural areas. It is not the place in this chapter to comment on whether such recommendations are appropriate, or even feasible to implement by governments. In order to come up with such an assessment, a much more detailed analysis of the types of programs proposed, their cost, and their benefits, would be required.
But what does emerge from the interviews with key informants is that while government officials and nongovernmental experts are aware of the consequences of climate change and extreme weather events for the population, they also recognize that the extent to which governments are dealing with these issues today is limited. This is a finding that is also emerging from other chapters in this study, in that both the community level responses and government programs and policies not only to cope with weather shocks but also to adapt to climate change, remain insufficient.